After Louisville Police Shooting Deaths, Cases Quietly Closed Tuesday, Oct 20 2020 


Screengrab of footage from LMPD Officer Brendan Kaiser’s body camera. Kaiser shot and killed Isaac Jackson in his parent’s home on April 25, 2018

It was Isaac Jackson’s parents who called the police who shot and killed him.

The 42-year-old, known to everyone as Uncle Isaac, is remembered as a funny, charming guy who loved to sing in the church choir and got a music scholarship to college. But a car accident several years ago led to seizures, his siblings say, which led to mental health issues and a string of arrests.

The night of April 25, 2018, Isaac showed up at his parents house, on drugs, acting erratically. They said they’d kicked him out the night before for causing a disturbance, and now he was back.

Isaac broke in and started smashing things. He fought with his father. He stabbed his brother, A.J., in the arm. His mother hid in the bathroom and called the Louisville Metro Police Department once, and then a second time when she felt they weren’t responding fast enough.

Isaac started striking matches, threatening to burn down the house with his family inside. The police arrived and the family fled the house, worried for their brother and the officers. Isaac’s sister Annetta Jackson showed up.

Courtesy Sonya Brown

Isaac Jackson

Then they heard gunshots.

They knew Isaac didn’t have a gun, but the police wouldn’t tell them what happened, or who was shot. Annetta wanted to comfort their elderly mother, who was outside barefoot, but LMPD separated the family. They put A.J. and Annetta into separate squad cars.

“I’d ask questions, you know like, ‘What’s going on? Can you tell us anything?’” Annetta remembered. “And nothing was being said.”

Terrified, she tried to get in touch with her other sister, but she said police took her phone away. She was baffled by the way the police were treating them.

Inside a neighboring squad car, while being treated for his stab wound, A.J. overheard the police radio: His brother had been shot.

Fatal shootings at the hands of LMPD officers have gotten national attention this summer in the wake of the killing of Breonna Taylor. Celebrities, politicians and protesters across the country have demanded information about LMPD’s investigation into the officers who shot and killed the 26-year-old emergency room technician. Taylor’s family got a sit-down with the Kentucky Attorney General to discuss the case, and his office released periodic updates about the status of the investigation.

But that’s the exception. Usually, when LMPD kills someone, families are left entirely in the dark about how the police are handling the case, an investigation by Newsy and the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting found.

Reporters attempted to contact family members for all 19 people shot and killed by LMPD since 2015. Representatives and family members of 11 people killed by LMPD spoke with Newsy/KyCIR and shared stories of various ways LMPD and the Jefferson County Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office have failed to keep them informed.

Some said they were never contacted by officials when their loved one had been killed, or weren’t told it was the police that killed them. Many have been waiting years for the police to finish their investigation, with no idea that LMPD had already closed the case and the Commonwealth’s Attorney had decided not to file charges against the officers.

“That’s awful,” said Greg Simms, an attorney currently suing LMPD on behalf of one of these families. “You’ve got people who are victims of crimes or potential victims of crimes, and this government agency doesn’t let them know that they’re not pursuing it. Of course they should do that. They should let them know.”

The Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office said in most cases they trust LMPD to notify the family of any decisions. A spokesperson for LMPD said they “do their best” to communicate with families.

Legally, that’s all they have to do. Under Kentucky law, someone is only considered a victim after a perpetrator is formally charged with a crime, according to a spokesperson for the Kentucky Attorney General. And no LMPD officer has been charged for fatally shooting a civilian since 2004; even when one officer was arrested in the Breonna Taylor case, the only charges were for shooting into her neighbor’s apartment.

A.J. Jackson and Sonya Brown, two of Isaac Jackson’s siblings

The night police killed Isaac Jackson, A.J. and his parents were taken to the police department for several hours. They were interviewed by LMPD’s internal investigators — they don’t remember who — and told they could pick up a police report and claim Isaac’s body.

“After that, they sent us on our way,” A.J. said. “And that’s about it.”

A.J. can understand why the officer shot his brother, whose actions made him a danger to himself and others. But he wonders what might have been different if the police had shown up sooner. His sisters want to know if and how the police tried to de-escalate the situation, and whether LMPD has learned anything from this case.

But everything they know about that night came from LMPD’s 30-minute press conference the day after the incident, where they showed excerpts of body camera footage, including when Isaac Jackson had thrown a knife, striking one office. Then-Police Chief Steve Conrad addressed the shooting, the latest in a string of such incidents.

“We are committed to doing rigorous and thorough investigations in each of these incidents,” Conrad said. “Over the past several years, we have responded to the concerns of the community by committing to transparency.”

But to this day, the Jacksons have heard nothing from LMPD about any investigation.

Some families not notified about death

Tammy Riggs was at work on February 1, 2018, when she got a notification on her phone from a local news station. There had been a police shooting, and the TV station was streaming live video from the scene.

“I went on and was watching it,” she said. “I watched it for hours and I didn’t know it was my son.”

That afternoon, as officers walked toward a car during a traffic stop in the Buechel neighborhood, one of the passengers shot at the officers. An officer returned fire, killing the shooter at the scene and striking Billy Ray Riggs, who was sitting in the back seat.

Tammy Riggs said no one from LMPD or the hospital ever told her her son had been shot, or that he was on life support. Eventually, her daughter found out from Facebook.

“He’s been in jail before…they know who he was. All they had to do was look on his jail records and see what address he used. All they said was, ‘We’ve been looking for you,’ she said.

“[They] wasn’t looking hard enough,” she said.

Courtesy Tammy Riggs

Billy Ray Riggs

LMPD’s standard operating procedure says the hospital should notify the next-of-kin “whenever possible.” Carolyn Callahan, a spokesperson for University of Louisville Health, said they couldn’t comment on specific cases, but said they notify next of kin as the situation requires.

When Tammy Riggs eventually got to see her son, about 24 hours after he was shot and he was already on life support. A police officer was standing outside his door.

“He was a prisoner, lying there half dead,” Tammy said.

When the family finally decided to take the 38-year-old father off of life support, they were dealt another devastating blow. They’d wanted to donate his organs, but learned that he’d been on life support too long to make them viable.

Ever since, Tammy has wondered what might have been different if she’d been notified swiftly about her son’s condition.

“It really should be, quite honestly, everyone’s responsibility, and certainly can’t be no one’s responsibility,” said Meg Garvin, executive director of the National Crime Victim Law Institute. “Someone should be telling the family, you have a loved one who’s injured. And then along the way, someone should be saying, you know, an investigation is happening.”

Families waiting on long-closed cases

At the hospital, Tammy Riggs met with Sgt. Nick Owen, who was then with LMPD’s Public Integrity Unit, before she was allowed to see her son. She said Owen probably told her something about the next steps in the case, but she doesn’t remember anything other than sheer panic. LMPD did not respond to a request to interview Owen.

She said that was the last time LMPD reached out to her. She said she called the Public Integrity Unit once, sometime that summer, hoping to get her son’s possessions.

Carrie Cochran

Tammy Riggs

“I would like to have the little stuff he had,” she said. “He carried around a little bitty pocket knife with his name on it that I bought him in Gatlinburg, and I’m sure he had that.”

She said she was told she could get his possessions back after the case was closed. So she carries Owen’s business card in her work jacket, waiting for the day he would call her and tell her the case is closed.

But according to a letter obtained by Newsy/KyCIR through an open records request, her son’s case is closed. It was closed August 24, 2018, more than two years ago.

“I haven’t been notified about anything at all,” Tammy said after reviewing the letter. “Probably now they don’t even know where [his stuff] is at, because I’m sure the clothes they didn’t keep. So the little stuff, who knows where it’s at?”

Riggs is not alone in this. More than half of the families and family representatives interviewed had no idea LMPD had closed the investigation into their loved one’s death.

Courtesy Greg Simms

D’Juantez Mitchell

D’Juantez Mitchell was killed by Louisville police in May 2019. The case was closed without charges for the officers in February.

Greg Simms, a lawyer for the family, said neither he nor the family knew the case was closed until a reporter told them.

Simms said he didn’t wait for that investigation to proceed with a lawsuit against LMPD. But he noted that the statute of limitations on wrongful death lawsuits is one year. In some cases, he said, delaying the investigation or not telling a family the case is closed could mean families are unable to get a lawyer to take their case in time.

“It’s upsetting that they wouldn’t come out and tell the public. It’s upsetting that they wouldn’t notify the family,” he said.

De’Mon’Jhea Jordan’s family got a lawyer and filed a wrongful death lawsuit against LMPD for shooting and killing the 21-year-old in April 2018. They have been anxiously awaiting the outcome of LMPD’s investigation; they even held a press conference in June demanding answers.

They had no idea that LMPD had closed its internal criminal investigation, and the Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office cleared all the officers of wrongdoing in January 2019.

Courtesy Natalie Malone

De’Mon’Jhea Jordan

“They give you what they want you to have,” Jordan’s father, Larry Jordan, said. “They don’t want to give you the rest of it. If you’re so convinced that this truly happened, where’s the rest of the evidence? Let us see it for ourselves. But they’ve never done that.”

If these families looked to LMPD’s own database of police shootings for answers, they’d be out of luck. LMPD posts that database online in a show of transparency, but nine of the open cases listed in that database are actually closed.

Two of the cases have been closed for more than two years and have already been reviewed by the Citizens Commission on Police Accountability, Louisville’s citizen review board. The board found the investigation into the police shooting of Billy Ray Riggs to be “adequate and complete.” They issued no recommendations to the department.

Under Ky. law, these families aren’t victims

Jefferson County Commonwealth’s Attorney Tom Wine said in an emailed statement that “communicating a decision not to prosecute…is particularly emotional.”

When the Commonwealth Attorney’s office is contacted by a family or their lawyer during the investigation, he said his office will make sure they tell the family once it’s concluded. Otherwise, his office leaves that task to LMPD’s Public Integrity Unit, which he feels “has some rapport with the families and is in a better position to communicate this difficult message.”

LMPD spokesperson Lamont Washington said communication “varies on a case to case basis,” and that “given the nature of police involvement in these types of incidents, we continue to evaluate how we communicate with victim’s families.”

They wouldn’t say if they kept any of the families informed about the status of the investigation, but two weeks later, they gave us a different response: our “current practice” is for the victim services staff to offer these families “information and support.”

Wine said he is “certainly willing to review how other jurisdictions notify families in cases such as these and make changes in our processes if it seems appropriate.”

But LMPD and the Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office are not required to do anything to keep these families informed about the investigation and where it stands.

Kentucky’s Crime Victims Bill of Rights requires law enforcement and prosecutors to keep victims — or their family, if they’re deceased — updated about the status of their criminal case.

But in Kentucky, you’re only legally considered a victim once charges are filed, according to a spokesperson for the Kentucky Attorney General. That doesn’t apply to the families of the 19 people killed by LMPD since 2015, because no officer was ever charged for any of those deaths.

Meg Garvin, from the National Crime Victim Law Institute, thinks that’s too narrow of a definition to serve people who may never get their day in court.

“It doesn’t matter the type of crime, we can … presume victim status and afford rights of dignity, fairness and respect to any person who alleges a criminal incident,” Garvin said. “That’s the ideal.”

Take the Breonna Taylor case as an example. Because LMPD Officer Brett Hankison was charged with three counts of wanton endangerment for shooting into Taylor’s neighbor’s apartment, the neighbors would qualify for crime victims rights under the law.

Taylor’s family would not, even though she’s the one who is dead.

In practice, law enforcement and prosecutors often make victims’ services available before charges are filed. But they don’t have to, and according to families of those killed by LMPD, when it comes to police shootings in Louisville, they don’t.

State Sen. Whitney Westerfield is the chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee and a former prosecutor. He said he was stunned to learn that families are not being told that these cases are closed.

“It shouldn’t take an act of the General Assembly to fix that, I wouldn’t think,” he said. “I don’t understand what’s stopping you from just picking up the phone or sending out a form letter or something. You ought to do more than that, but that’s easy to do. That’s a pretty low bar.”

Metro Council President David James saw this system firsthand when he started working with the family of Shelby Gazaway. Gazaway was shot and killed by LMPD in November 2019.

His family only found out that the officers who killed their son had been returned to active duty when a local TV station contacted them; they were doing a story about one of the officers, Patrick Norton, shooting someone else in June.

Provided by Gazaway family

Shelby Gazaway

Gazaway’s parents had been trying for months to get their son’s cell phone and car back from LMPD, and eventually, James said he had to personally intervene.

“It’s ridiculous,” said James, a former LMPD detective. “It’s unacceptable.”

The Louisville Metro Council passed a resolution in August that encourages more transparency from LMPD. But beyond that, James doesn’t think there’s much the council can do other than take the call when a family needs them to intervene on their behalf.

But he acknowledges that’s an imperfect system that puts too much burden on the families of those killed by police.

“They want answers and they deserve those answers,” James said. “Those answers should be given to those families as soon as the police department knows anything about it. And that’s not what happens.”

According to Wine, his office directly communicated their decision to the families of three people killed by LMPD since 2015, including William Allen Young, Jr.

Young was shot and killed by LMPD in February 2017. Like in every other police shooting in Louisville during that time period, Wine’s office determined that the officers used the appropriate amount of force and no criminal charges were necessary.

Wine sent Young’s mother a personal note, hand-signed, expressing his condolences the day before his office sent the determination letter to LMPD. The letter says it is his “professional responsibility” to tell her that he has decided not to file charges, and it directs her on how to obtain records about her son’s death.

“I did not want you to find out through a third-party that there would be no criminal charges filed or Grand Jury investigation conducted in this matter,” Wine wrote.

Eleanor Klibanoff is an investigative reporter with the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting. She can be reached at

Carrie Cochran is a visual journalist at Newsy/Scripps. She can be reached at

Maren Machles is an investigative journalist at Newsy/Scripps. She can be reached at

Karen Rodriguez is an investigative journalist at Newsy/Scripps. She can be reached at

Maia Rosenfeld is a data reporter at Newsy/Scripps she can be reached at

The post After Louisville Police Shooting Deaths, Cases Quietly Closed appeared first on Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting.

Enforcing ‘No Guns’ Order In Ky. Relies On Defendant’s Honor System Thursday, Oct 15 2020 

Hankison mug shot

The attorney for Brett Hankison had one request during his arraignment in a Jefferson Circuit Court earlier this month: that his client, who is charged with three felony counts of first degree wanton endangerment, could keep his guns.

Hankison, a former Louisville Metro Police officer, had received threats against his life since he shot into the apartments of Breonna Taylor and her neighbors, according to attorney Stew Mathews, and he needed the guns for “self defense purposes.”

Judge Ann Bailey Smith rejected the plea and ordered Hankison to give up his guns, saying anyone charged with a crime involving a firearm would be expected to do the same. But in the days that followed that court date, Louisville’s law enforcement agencies were not instructed to confiscate Hankison’s guns, and they made no effort to do so. Both the Louisville Metro Police Department and the Jefferson County Sheriff suggested the other was responsible. 

Ultimately, Hankison handed over four shotguns, four rifles, and four handguns to the sheriff’s office in Spencer County, where he owns a home, on October 6. That was the same day KyCIR asked Mathews whether Hankison’s firearms had been confiscated. The agency is not required to search for additional firearms and the documents do not indicate the sheriff searched Hankison’s property for additional firearms.

The confusion about which agency was responsible for confiscating the weapons, and the lack of aggressive enforcement of the court order, is typical. That’s because there is no system in Kentucky to enforce orders like these, which depend on the proactive honesty of a criminal defendant.

Given the lack of a formal system, it’s difficult to determine if a person accused of a violent crime has surrendered any guns and impossible to know if they gave up all of them. This puts victims, the public, and even police and other first responders at risk, according to criminal justice experts, victims’ rights advocates, and law enforcement officials.

“An ‘honor system’ alone is insufficient,” said Sam Levy, senior counsel at Everytown For Gun Safety, a gun safety advocacy group backed by former presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg. 

Levy said if there is probable cause to believe a person possesses firearms when they’ve been ordered not to, law enforcement should actively seek to remove those guns.

“Court orders that prohibit firearm possession only work if their terms are clearly communicated and rigorously enforced,” he said.

‘Nothing We Can Do’

An order to not possess guns is common in cases involving violence or threats of violence, said Ingrid Geiser, Jefferson County Attorney First Assistant.

Ensuring that condition is met, however, is virtually impossible, she said.

“There’s really nothing we can do,” she said. “It’s up to the individual to follow the order.”

Chances are slim that law enforcement would seek a warrant to search a person’s home for a gun, said Geiser, the former head of the county attorney’s criminal division. A search warrant requires probable cause, and judges that issue orders prohibiting a person from possessing a gun rarely even ask if the defendant does, in fact, have guns, she said.

When it comes to protective orders related to domestic violence, which often come with a mandate that the perpetrator give up any guns, there is a system: the Jefferson County Sheriff is tasked with confiscating and keeping prohibited firearms.

Carl Yates, a spokesperson for the Jefferson County Sheriff, said the agency serves about 7,500 protective orders annually, and has more than 3,000 confiscated weapons in the agency’s property room “at any given time.” But the sheriff’s department is not tasked with enforcing judges’ orders to defendants that specifically mandate they relinquish firearms.

On rare occasions, Yates said a protective order will list certain guns that should be seized. Other times, a sheriff deputy might see a gun while delivering the protective order. But, he emphasized that sheriff deputies don’t search for guns. And that means it is up to the individual to voluntarily surrender their guns, he said.

“We actually never know if we have all of them or not,” he said.

What’s left unknown is most concerning when victims are at risk — oftentimes in domestic violence cases, said Geiser. In such cases, and other cases where the threat of violence seems imminent, prosecutors will often ask a judge to keep a defendant in jail. If that doesn’t happen, prosecutors will seek an order prohibiting the possession of guns. 

But, the court order is no guarantee.

“No one knows there is another gun, until we know,” she said.

‘It’s complicated’

Hankison was fired from the Louisville Metro Police Department in June. Shortly after that, the department’s public integrity unit took his “one loaner weapon” that Hankison was issued after his service weapon was collected as evidence following the death of Breonna Taylor, said Lamont Washington, an LMPD spokesperson.

As for his other guns, Washington told KyCIR on October 6 — a week after Hankison’s arraignment — that the Jefferson County Sheriff or the Kentucky Attorney General would be responsible for the confiscation and collection of those.

But Yates, the spokesperson for the sheriff, said such a task would be the responsibility of the Louisville Metro Police Department. And Elizabeth Kuhn, a spokesperson for the Attorney General said the agency wasn’t involved in the confiscation of the guns, but they “were surrendered to the proper authorities.” She did not specify which agency.

Kuhn’s comments came on the same day Hankison turned in his guns to the Spencer County Sheriff. His attorney said the timing had nothing to do with KyCIR’s questions before hanging up on a reporter.

The court order simply states that Hankison “shall not possess any firearms,” and does not specify any timeline or instructions for relinquishing his guns. Judge Ann Bailey Smith, her assistant and other court officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment about the order.

Simply taking a gun doesn’t ensure a defendant won’t be able to get another gun, said Meg Savage, legal counsel at the Kentucky Coalition Against Domestic Violence.

In Kentucky, guns can be bought and sold online, in stores, and between individuals — and there’s no law requiring they be registered. Here, it can be easier to get a gun than to take one away, she said.

Taking guns can be a barrier that can keep victims and first responders safe, she said.

“From a law enforcement point of view, they would appreciate it if there are fewer guns in the hands of potentially violent people,” she said.

Presently, though, the measures to remove guns from people ordered by a court to not possess firearms are largely toothless, she said. 

But enforcing court orders that prohibit gun possession is a complex task, said Kellie Lynch, an assistant professor of criminology and criminal justice at The University of Texas at San Antonio.

Lynch received her doctorate from the University of Kentucky and extensively studied the processes related to court ordered gun confiscation in the state. Her big takeaway: “it’s complicated.”

Lynch said a solution wouldn’t necessarily require new laws, but rather a more efficient and enforced implementation of current mandates.

“The responsibility bounces around a bit between agencies,” she said. 

And that is a problem which could be addressed by assigning the task of gun confiscation to a central agency, and ensuring that agency has the resources needed to take and store guns. 

The cultural status of gun ownership and protection in Kentucky is a bigger barrier to improving processes for taking a person’s guns, Lynch said.

“These are political issues,” she said. “One person told me that, ‘taking away someone’s gun is like taking away their life.’”

Contact Jacob Ryan at

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Ashanti Scott speaks about her arrest and Breonna Taylor’s death Friday, Oct 9 2020 

 By Tate Luckey —

3 counts of “wanton endangerment” were the only charges filed in the case of Breonna Taylor’s death that occurred earlier this year on March 13. When a Kentucky grand jury and Attorney General Daniel Cameron confirmed on Sept. 23 that those were in fact the only charges for officer Brett Hankison, a reasonably upset city took to the streets to protest for justice.

The city countered by reimplementing a 9 p.m. curfew from Sept. 24 to Sept. 26, with those not abiding the curfew being taken into police custody. 

Among those arrested on Sept. 24 were University of Louisville McConnell scholar and sophomore Ashanti Scott and her mother, state representative Attica Scott. They were held until Friday morning, along with local activist Shameka Parrish-Wright. 

“We had been driving by one of the marches that happened, and then LMPD cut us off. We got out of the car because we thought we’d be arrested for still being in our car during curfew. We had walked to this church that Rep. Lisa Willner was a part of because they held sanctuary there,” Ashanti Scott said, speaking about the First Unitarian Church, which offered protesters sanctuary that night.

“We were walking towards the front of the library, along Broadway, but to try and avoid confrontation with the police we turned and tried to go around the church. When we came to the back police yelled ‘Surround them! Get on the ground!’ and we were detained.”

According to both her account and Rep. Scott’s Instagram Live footage, they were then held down with zip ties around their hands. 

“One of the others we were detained with asked the officer if they were going to read us our rights. They said no, and so I was never read our charges,” Scott said. “I didn’t even know our charges until later on while in jail. When we finally did know, even the officer that showed Ms. Shameka her charges said ‘this was crazy,’” she said.

Unable to see their bond, they were eventually released at 8:30 a.m. the next day. Their release papers showed that they had a riot 1 felony, unlawful assembly misdemeanor, and failure to disperse misdemeanor.

After Attorney Mike O’Connell and Thomas Wise initially refused to drop said charges, the Scott’s started a #dropthecharges campaign that gathered moderate interest on platforms like Twitter from various U of L groups and local officials/activists.

“I don’t think they’re necessarily being indifferent. I think it’s a strategy by LMPD. My mom has introduced Breonna’s Law (an ordinance banning no-knock warrants unless in the situation of child endangerment), and I think it’s just a way to silence her,” Scott explained.

Scott said she wasn’t surprised by the decision of the Taylor case.

“I feel like just charging him with wanton endangerment, for shooting into the apartments, it was crazy to me that that happened,” she said. “[Hankison] spent less time in jail than what I did. I think the Breonna Taylor case is the most corrupt case we’re seeing involving the murder of an innocent black woman and someone actively trying to cover it up.”

Scott, who went to middle school with Taylor’s sister, explained that she thinks the severity of this case, in particular, is likely caused by Mayor Fischer’s gentrification plan for Taylor’s neighborhood and was compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic/support of healthcare heroes. She initially only found out about Taylor’s death from her family’s social media. 

As of Oct. 6, the charges against the Scott’s and Parrish-Wright were dropped by O’Connell due to a “lack of evidence.” And while Ashanti was disappointed by the university’s response to the Breonna Taylor case and the Black Lives Matter movement beyond a few emails, she did have some sage advice for those getting involved.

“This movement involves a lot of young kids who are angry, and justifiably so. We just have to be able to work with them. If you can’t protest, the Kentucky Alliance Against Political Oppression is a great organization to donate to, as well as the Louisville chapter of the Bail Project. There’s also a lot of petitions still circulating.”

Photos Courtesy of Ashanti Scott 

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Despite the grand jury’s ruling, this is far from over Thursday, Oct 8 2020 

By Catherine Brown-

A grand jury convened to determine whether LMPD officers Jonathan Mattingly, Brett Hankison and Myles Cosgrove would be under indictment for the murder of Breonna Taylor. On Sept. 23, the jury charged only one officer, Hankison, with three counts of wanton endangerment.

This means that the officer is accused of endangering Taylor’s neighbors when he shot into the surrounding apartment walls. No officer was charged for killing Taylor, an innocent black woman who was asleep in her bedroom.

The protests following her death have made an impact on some policy. Since protests have started, we’ve seen progress in getting justice for Breonna Taylor and for the Black community of Louisville.

Sadiqa Reynolds, president and CEO of the Louisville Urban League, tweeted a list of impacts that protests have made in Louisville.

In this list, she includes the exiting of former Police Chief Robert Schroeder, who was replaced by interim Police Chief Yvette Gentry. Gentry is the first black female police chief for the LMPD, a point which Reynolds notes in her list.

“I know some want total defunding but whatever exists in this country should include us,” Reynolds said.

She also lists that LMPD is receiving a top to bottom review, and body cameras are now mandatory for search warrants.

Additionally, social programs are being implemented for the west end. These programs will build 100 homes in the west end for Black homeowners. Reynolds says corporations are even donating gifts to support rebuilding in the area. Social workers are also becoming involved in family resettlement.

These are just a few of the progressions made for the local community.

Kentucky State Representative Attica Scott and her daughter Ashanti, a political science major at U of L, were arrested after demonstrating in a Breonna Taylor protest on Sept. 24. Scott recently introduced “Breonna’s Law,” which seeks to ban no-knock warrants in Kentucky.

The two were participating in the protest and were seeking sanctuary at the First Unitarian Church, a church in downtown Louisville that was open after curfew. Houses of worship were exempt from the curfew policy.

Scott said she was arrested at 8:58 p.m., curfew started at 9 p.m.

“There was never a need for no-knock search warrants like the one used in Breonna’s case, and while this type of warrant is now banned here in Metro Louisville and appears to have little use elsewhere, I want to make sure statewide law keeps it from ever coming back. In addition, I want to make sure a judge specifically approves any use of violent entry when a warrant is carried out, and I want all law enforcement officers to have to wear body cameras and be required to use them when serving any warrant.”

In the law, she states videos would have to be made available when complaints are filed. Those that violate these requirements will face suspension or even termination. She always wants law enforcement officers to undergo a drug and alcohol screening after a deadly incident or firing a weapon while on duty.

We have quite a long way to go until justice is ever met though. Hankison was only in jail for a little more than half an hour. Due to the double jeopardy defense, he will not be brought back to trial for re-sentencing on the same charge as before. But the public understands that the murder of a black woman not only in Louisville, but anywhere in the world, will not be tolerated nor will we forget the crime.

Breonna deserves justice. Don’t stop saying her name and continue fighting.

File Graphic // The Louisville Cardinal

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LMPD’s Breonna Taylor File Offers Most Comprehensive Record Of Shooting Thus Far Wednesday, Oct 7 2020 


Nearly 5,600 pages of documents. Hours of video and audio recordings. Ballistics reports. Social media posts from Breonna Taylor’s family’s lawyers. 

The disclosure of these and other materials that made up the police’s investigation into their officers’ fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor provides the most comprehensive official report to date of the incident that captured the nation’s attention this year.

City officials published the Public Integrity Unit’s investigative file online Wednesday, less than a week after Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron made public the recordings of more than two days of grand jury proceedings, under a judge’s order.


LMPD Investigative File Sheds Light On Breonna Taylor Warrant Wednesday, Oct 7 2020 


Wednesday’s release of the internal investigation of the police killing of Breonna Taylor has resurfaced one of the key unsolved questions of the whole case: Why were the police at her apartment in the first place?

The officer who applied for the search warrant that led to Taylor’s death was Det. Joshua Jaynes, of the Louisville Metro Police Department. In an affidavit for that search warrant, Jaynes said he “verified through a US Postal Inspector that Jamarcus Glover has been receiving packages at 3003 Springfield Drive #4.”

But Jaynes later admitted to LMPD investigators that neither he nor another LMPD officer verified that directly with a postal inspector. Interviews released as part of the PIU file show confusion and concern from people directly involved with obtaining the warrant, who have cast doubt on the narrative offered by Jaynes himself. 


AG Cameron To Release Breonna Taylor Grand Jury Recordings Today Friday, Oct 2 2020 


Attorney General Daniel Camerons office must make public more than 20 hours of audio recordings of grand jury proceedings related to the Breonna Taylor case by midday Friday.

A Jefferson County judge ordered the release as part of the criminal proceedings against former Louisville Metro Police detective Brett Hankison. Parties ranging from lawyers for Taylors family to politicians to concerned citizens have called for the public release of the recordings, as well as other evidence presented to the grand jury, since last week.

Thats when the grand jury indicted Hankison on wanton endangerment charges for bullets that entered an apartment of Taylors neighbors. No one was charged for her March 13 killing, a decision that has intensified national scrutiny of Louisville, the justice system and Cameron.


Yvette Gentry Sworn In As LMPD’s Second Interim Police Chief This Year Thursday, Oct 1 2020 


The Louisville Metro Police Department has a new police chief. On Thursday, Mayor Greg Fischer swore in Yvette Gentry, who will be the interim chief for six months while the city seeks and installs a permanent chief.

A nationwide search is underway for someone to take on the permanent role, and Fischer said he plans to make a decision by the end of the year.

Gentry returns to the force after retiring in 2014. She is the first Black woman to lead LMPD.


LMPD Officer Offers Firsthand Account Of Getting Shot Last Week Wednesday, Sep 30 2020 


Louisville Police Major Aubrey Gregory heard what sounded like someone firing off an entire clip of ammunition, but he couldn’t tell where the gunfire was coming from.

It was dark. He and a team of officers were responding to a call of shots fired. They deployed to Brook Street and Broadway. Gregory had turned his back on the couple hundred protesters who stood nearby to issues instructions to his team, he said.

That’s when he heard the shots. He put his hand on his service weapon, but he never drew. The gunfire stopped. Gregory realized his hip felt like it was on fire, he said.


Louisville men’s basketball team protests through Belknap campus for equality Tuesday, Sep 29 2020 

By John McCarthy–

The University of Louisville men’s basketball team marched through Belknap campus Sept. 25, calling for racial equality.

Many members of the community surrounding U of L and students walked alongside the men’s basketball team to help promote equality peacefully. “The turnout was greater than we could have imagined. This is exactly what we envisioned, getting our message out about inequality, discrimination, racism, and hate,” said senior Malik Williams.

Multiple players from the men’s basketball team talked to the crowd before beginning the march. They urged everyone to protest peacefully as they marched. Louisville Metro Police Department was present during the march to help provide barricades along the march path.

The march started at the Thortons Academic Center and toured through U of L’s Belknap Campus. The march lasted for about an hour. Louisville men’s basketball head coach Chris Mack attended the march with his players.

“I understand as a white guy, a 50-year old, that Black America is hurting,” said Mack.

The team did not discuss any matters relating to the upcoming 2020-2021 basketball season. Instead, they encourage listeners to register to vote. The Cardinals asked everyone to join them at Shawnee Park Oct. 3 for a voter registration event. The event will be from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m.

File Photo // The Louisville Cardinal

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